Political integration

Political integration relates to whether immigrants participate and are represented in the political arenas, as well as the extent to which they have trust in the political system, government authorities and public institutions in Norway (Proba, 2019).

Electoral participation

Immigrants and people born in Norway to immigrant parents have lower electoral participation

Who is eligible to vote in elections in Norway?

Only Norwegian citizens can vote in parliamentary elections in Norway. However, foreign citizens with at least three years of legal residence in Norway can vote in municipal and county council elections.

The proportion of eligible voters with immigrant backgrounds has grown in recent years. Whether or not immigrants exercise their right to vote can be used as a measure of how well they are integrated into Norwegian society. Low participation can be viewed as a sign of low integration, while high participation is considered a sign of high integration (Kleven, 2019). There are different perspectives on whether high electoral participation is a goal in itself. Elections represent a central form of political involvement. Elections enable people to influence policymaking and to have their voices heard. Elections are also an important basis for legitimacy and contribute to an affiliation with and loyalty to the political system. Significant differences in electoral participation can therefore be an indicator that the political system lacks legitimacy among some groups. Electoral participation can also be understood as an expression of affiliation and commitment (NOU, 2011).

Both immigrants and people born in Norway to immigrant parents vote less than the rest of the population. This applies both to parliamentary elections and municipal and county council elections.

Figure 6.1. Electoral participation at the 1997-2021 parliamentary elections, by immigration category. Percentage (Corneliussen, 2024)

The differences in electoral participation between immigrants and the population without immigrant backgrounds have remained relatively stable for parliamentary elections, with a marginal increase in differences from 2017 to 2021 (Figure 6.1). Electoral participation among immigrants decreased from 55 per cent in 2017 to 50 per cent in 2021. Among people born in Norway to immigrant parents, electoral participation decreased from 57 per cent in 2017 to 52 per cent in 2021. The decrease was highest among people born in Norway to parents from African countries - 53 per cent in 2017 compared with 45 per cent in 2021 (Kleven et al., 2022).

Figure 6.2 shows that while there were about the same number of people without an immigrant background who voted in the municipal council and county council elections in 2023 as in 2019, the proportion who exercised their right to vote decreased both among immigrants and people born in Norway to immigrant parents.

Figure 6.2. Electoral participation by immigration category in municipal and county council elections. 2007–2023. Percentage (Corneliussen, 2024)

Electoral participation also varies with gender. Participation is higher among women than among men for voters both with and without immigrant backgrounds. For immigrants, the proportion of women who voted at the 2021 parliamentary elections was four percentage points higher than for men, (52 per cent versus 48 per cent). Corresponding figures for people born in Norway to immigrant parents were 57 per cent versus 47 per cent, while among Norwegian citizens without an immigrant background, 82 per cent of women and 79 per cent of men voted at the 2021 parliamentary elections (Statistics Norway, 2022d). 

Voting is also influenced by country of origin. At the parliamentary elections, participation among immigrants from Nordic and Western European countries increased from 71 per cent in 2017 to 74 per cent in 2021, while among immigrants from African and Asian countries, participation decreased from 54 per cent in 2017 to 48 per cent in 2021 (Kleven, 2021). 

There is also a correlation between level of education and electoral participation. On average, electoral participation is higher among immigrants with a high level of education than among those with a lower level of education. At the same time, the positive importance of education for electoral participation is lower among immigrants than the rest of the population (Kleven and Bergseteren, 2022).

There is a weak positive correlation between period of residence and electoral participation among immigrants. The extent to which period of residence is of importance to electoral participation also varies according to which countries immigrants are from. For example, electoral participation is, on average, 47 per cent for Norwegian citizens who immigrated from North America and Oceania 5 to 9 years ago, while this figure rises to 65 per cent for the same group that has resided in Norway for more than 20 years. The corresponding figures for Norwegian citizens who immigrated from Africa are 43 and 45 per cent respectively (Kleven and Bergseteren, 2022).

Research suggests that information and awareness campaigns in different languages that are targeted at immigrant communities, organisations and networks have a positive impact on electoral participation (Bergh, Christensen and Matland, 2020, 2021; Kleven and Bergseteren, 2022). Electoral participation among immigrants would probably be lower without these types of mobilisation initiatives (Kleven and Bergseteren, 2022). In addition, immigrants who settle in neighbourhoods with high electoral participation and who are involved in local social networks are more likely to vote (Bratsberg et al., 2021).

People born in Norway to immigrant parents have grown up in Norway, have completed all of their schooling here and have grown up with the same institutional frameworks as people without immigrant backgrounds (Kirkeberg et al., 2019). While the preceding sections of this report have shown there are minor differences between people born in Norway to immigrant parents and the rest of the population when concerning indicators such as school results, education levels and employment, we do not see the same trend when it comes to exercising the right to vote. The level of electoral participation among people born in Norway to immigrant parents is closer to that of immigrants than the population without immigrant backgrounds. 

Part of this difference may be due to the fact that people born in Norway to immigrant parents are a relatively young population group, and that electoral participation increases with age, both among those with and without immigrant backgrounds (Corneliussen, 2024).

This is shown in Figure 6.3, where we see that the difference in electoral participation between people born in Norway to immigrant parents and people without immigrant backgrounds is lower among the oldest age groups (Kleven et al., 2022). Growing up in countries with democratic institutions contributes to higher electoral participation, particularly among women born in Norway to immigrant parents (Finseraas, Kotsadam and Polavieja, 2022).

Figure 6.3. Electoral participation at the 2021 parliamentary elections, by immigration category and age. Percentage. (Kleven et al, 2022).

Political participation

Immigrants have lower levels of political participation

Electoral participation is only one form of political participation. A significantly higher proportion of the majority population than immigrants are members of a political organisation, club or association – 67 per cent versus 47 per cent (Figure 6.4). When compared with membership, relatively few people engage in non-organised forms of political participation, such as bringing issues to the attention of politicians or public authorities, participating in discussions about societal issues on social media, or writing newspaper articles. This applies both to immigrants and the rest of the population.

Figure 6.4. Political participation based on activity in the last 12 months. 2022. Percentage (Living Conditions Survey, Statistics Norway, 2022). 

Multiple studies show that political participation among immigrants is related to socioeconomic background (See, for example, Dalen, Flatø and Friberg, 2022 and; Eimhjellen and Arnesen, 2018). Immigrants in full-time employment, who have higher levels of education and good Norwegian language skills are more likely to be politically engaged (Dalen, Flatø and Friberg, 2022). While immigrants have lower electoral participation, this group has a relatively strong interest in Norwegian politics and civil society, and those who show the greatest interest in politics and social relations in their country of origin are also the same people who are most interested in political matters in Norway (Dalen, Flatø and Friberg, 2022).

Analyses of political participation among minority young people reveal similar patterns to those among adults with immigrant backgrounds. Participation in political organisations and elections is lower in this group than among young people in the majority population. Girls participate more in political activities than boys, and this applies to young people with both majority and minority backgrounds. It is somewhat surprising that socio-economic resources have no pronounced significance, and the primary factor which explains the differences in political participation among young people is whether or not they come from families that are organisationally active and willing to engage in discussions, (Ødegård and
Fladmoe, 2017).

Political representation

Immigrants are underrepresented in politics

10 per cent of employees in the Stortinget (Norwegian Parliament) had immigrant backgrounds in 2023, compared to eight per cent in 2016 (Statistics Norway, 2024f). While the proportion of people with immigrant backgrounds in the electorate who are eligible to vote has risen, the under-representation of immigrants on the municipal councils has increased. In the 2023 municipal elections, over 800,000 people with immigrant backgrounds were eligible to vote, almost 3,200 stood as candidates for election, and just over 300 were elected to a municipal council. 

The share of municipal council members with immigrant backgrounds has grown marginally since 2007, from two per cent to three per cent in 2023. There was also a small increase in the share of candidates for political office who had immigrant backgrounds (Figure 6.5).

Figure 6.5. People with immigrant backgrounds as a share of eligible voters, candidates and representatives in municipal elections, 2007–2023. Percentage (Statistics Norway, 2023d, 2023e, 2023f, 2024s).

Transition to Norwegian citizenship

There are still many who obtain Norwegian citizenship

In 2022, just over 39,000 people were granted Norwegian citizenship. Half of those granted citizenship in 2022 had citizenship from another European country. There has been a significant increase in transitions to Norwegian citizenship since 2020. This relates to the statutory amendment of 1 January 2020, which permitted one or more additional citizenships to Norwegian citizenship. 38 per cent of all transitions to Norwegian citizenship since 1977 occurred between 2020 and 2023 (Arnesen and Corneliussen, 2024). Since the aforementioned statutory amendment, Swedes have been the largest country group to be granted Norwegian citizenship, while in previous years the majority who were granted Norwegian citizenship were from countries outside of Europe (Molstad, 2022).

Figure 6.6. Transition to Norwegian citizenship, by country of origin. 1990–2022. Percentage (Statistics Norway, 2023g).

In the final three years before the statutory amendment for dual citizenship came into effect in 2020, two out of ten people who received Norwegian citizenship had lived in Norway for eight or more years. A relatively higher number of people with long periods of residence have obtained citizenship since the statutory amendment entered into force. In 2021, five out of ten of those granted citizenship had a period of residence of eight years or longer (Molstad, 2022). One possible explanation for this may be that many European citizens waited until the statutory amendment regarding dual citizenship had entered into force before applying for Norwegian citizenship.

The relationship between naturalisation – being accepted as a new citizen of a country – and different integration outcomes such as social integration, employment, wage development and electoral participation is well-documented in the international research literature (Bevelander and Pendakur, 2011; Goodman, 2023; Hainmuller, Hangartner and Pietrantuono, 2017; Peters, Schmeets and Vink, 2020; Peters, Vink and Schmeets, 2018).

For example, a study from Switzerland found a causal link between being granting citizenship and long-term social integration. The link is stronger if not many years pass from when someone immigrates until they are granted citizenship (Hainmuller et al., 2017).

In Norway, researchers have examined the link between naturalisation and sense of belonging to Norwegian society (Erdal, Doeland and Tellander, 2018; Erdal and Midtbøen, 2023). These findings show that citizenship has something to say about ones’ sense of belonging, but that this link is not unambiguous. For example, some immigrant groups report that they see citizenship as a means of acknowledging their sense of belonging, while others have a more pragmatic and practical relationship to citizenship (Erdal, Doeland and Tellander, 2018). Several also report that they find some form of security in obtaining a Norwegian passport, including as evidence of national affiliation, as insurance against being deported and as protection when people question how Norwegian they are (Erdal, Doeland and Tellander, 2018).

Use of media

Immigrants are increasing their use of digital media

Keeping up-to-date with news and public discourse can be an indicator of social engagement, sense of belonging and participation. Therefore, in this chapter we describe whether, and how, different parts of the population use news media.

Media use among people with immigrant backgrounds largely reflects the use of media by the population at large, particularly when age is taken into consideration (Schiro, Foss and Bekkengen, 2023). 85 per cent of the immigrant population access daily news on one or more of the most common media channels (newspaper, online newspaper, radio, TV or social media). 53 per cent of people with an immigrant background read online newspapers on an average day, compared to 64 per cent among the population as a whole. Among people aged 25-44, four out of five people born in Norway to immigrant parents read online newspapers daily. This is a marginally higher proportion than for the same age group in the population as a whole (Schiro et al., 2023).

Nine out of ten people with immigrant backgrounds who read newspapers or online newspapers read newspapers in Norwegian, while 25 per cent read newspapers in English, and 20 per cent read newspapers in another language (Schiro et al., 2023). While people with immigrant backgrounds are somewhat more internationally oriented when it comes to the news they read, a lower proportion in this group reads Norwegian local and district newspapers than the population as a whole. There are minor differences in the news that is read by people with immigrant backgrounds from Country Groups 1 and 2 (Schiro et al., 2023).

Figure 6.7. Media use on an average day according to immigrant category. 2022. Percentage (Schiro et al., 2023).

Figure 6.7 shows that social media and online newspapers are the most common platforms for consuming news. This applies both to people with an immigrant background and to the population as a whole. 27 per cent of immigrants and 12 per cent of people born in Norway to immigrant parents watch news on traditional TV on an average day. Among the population as a whole, four out of ten watch news on traditional TV. Nearly two out of ten immigrants listen to news on the radio, and of these, nine out of ten listen to the radio in Norwegian. However, people with immigrant backgrounds are more than three times as likely to listen to the radio in languages other than Norwegian and English than the population as a whole (Schiro et al., 2023). Institutional trust

There are varying degrees of trust in different social institutions

A high level of trust among the population is an important factor for a well-functioning society. It is common to distinguish between trust in other people in society (horizontal or general trust) and trust in societal institutions (institutional or vertical trust). Institutional trust is shaped by specific experiences with institutions, and has a direct consequence for the relationship between the state and its citizens (Andreasson, 2017; Dalen et al. 2024; Dalen, Flatø and Friberg, 2022).

What is institutional trust?

Institutional trust, also known as vertical trust, refers to the trust people have in key
societal institutions, such as the government, state apparatus, police or health services.

Several studies have found that immigrants express a higher level of trust in institutions than the rest of the population (Röder and Mühlau, 2012; Støren, 2019). There are differences in trust in the political system between immigrants from different countries. For example, immigrants from Eritrea express a particularly high degree of trust (69 per cent), while the share with the least degree of trust is found among Polish immigrants (28 per cent) (Støren, 2019). International research has found that immigrants with low expectations of the state in their countries of origin develop a high level of trust when they encounter institutions that provide more equitable and fair treatment (Quaranta, 2024; Röder and Mühlau, 2012). The level of institutional trust among immigrants decreases in line with period of residence, however this may also be due to immigrants from certain countries and with different reasons for immigration being categorised differently in terms of period of residence (Støren, 2019).

Immigrants who came to Norway as children, and people born in Norway to immigrant parents, express about the same degree of institutional trust as the population as a whole at the same age (Støren, 2019). These two groups have largely grown up under the same institutional conditions as the majority population.

Statistics Norway’s living conditions survey has found virtually no differences in the level of trust in various institutions between immigrants and the rest of the population. In both groups, eight out of ten expressed a high level of trust in the police and the judiciary in 2022. Trust in the political system and the news media was somewhat lower. Fewer than six out of ten respondents reported a high level of trust in these institutions (Figure 6.8).

Figure 6.8. Proportion who express a high level of trust in various institutions, by immigrant category. 2022. Percentage (Statistics Norway, 2022e).

A 2023 survey found that immigrants have a relatively high level of trust in institutions. The same survey also found that the degree of institutional trust among immigrants varies according to the applicable social institution (Dalen et al., 2024). As illustrated in Figure 6.8, there is a high level of trust in the police, school system, health care system, and courts/judiciary among people both with and without immigrant backgrounds. The population with an immigrant background has less trust in the child welfare services than the rest of the population, and greater trust in the Norwegian Parliament and politicians. People with immigrant backgrounds also express a higher level of trust in NAV (Dalen et al. 2024; Friberg, Volckmar-Eeg and Andresen, 2024).

Furthermore, on average, people born in Norway to immigrant parents express a lower level of institutional trust than immigrants, women express less trust than men, younger people express less trust than the elderly, and people who have completed upper secondary school or higher education have, on average, less trust than people with a low level of education (Dalen et al., 2024).

Figure 6.9. Proportion of the population with a very high or reasonably high level of trust in the following Norwegian institutions. 2023. Percentage (Dalen et al., 2024).

Belief that you will receive the help you need from the state can be interpreted as trusting that society is there to assist you, and that you are viewed as an equal part of that society (Dalen et al., 2024). As shown in Figure 6.9, there are relatively minor differences between people with and without immigrant backgrounds in terms of the degree of trust in obtaining the help that they need in different situations.

Figure 6.10. Proportion of the population who have a high level or relatively high level of trust that they will obtain help from the state in the event of various types of incidents or conditions. 2023. Percentage (Dalen et al., 2024).

Among people born in Norway to immigrant parents, a negative correlation has been found between growing up in persistent low-income households and the degree of institutional trust (Støren, 2019). Experiencing differential treatment has a negative correlation with trust in the political system. This applies both to immigrants and people born in Norway to immigrant parents (Støren, 2019).

The same can apply to trust in the police. Studies show that young men with minority backgrounds experience more frequent police checks without them receiving explanations as to why they are being checked. Several people experience that the checks are due to their skin colour or ethnic background. These types of experiences can challenge the trust that this group has in the police (Solhjell et al., 2019; The Gender Equality and Anti- Discrimination Ombud, 2022).